Britain's finance minister has tackled the upcoming budget similar to a reluctant bather creeping into freezing water, endeavoring to ease the discomfort through step-by-step immersion.
The chancellor began addressing the issue of limited revenue near the end of summer. At first, she declined to support previous insistence that increases in taxation in the previous year's financial statement would be the last ones.
Later, recently, she took a larger move into the cold waters. A speech promised to "do what is necessary" to support public services and maintain borrowing costs down.
Within 10 days, the finance ministry had retracted the hint. The campaign pledge was upheld in the end. As any icy-water swimmer knows, this cancelled dive and trembling pullback is the most painful of all approaches. Nothing draws out the pain like uncertainty.
It can be challenging to be decisive when selecting between levels of internally generated harm.
Hope has not been a great strategy for the administration. At the core of the prime minister's election bid was the vain hope of by some means satisfying voters' desire for better government services without reversing significant amounts of Conservative revenue decreases.
Never has both the prime minister or Reeves effectively communicated a sense of national purpose to validate all this hardship. In part that is a challenge of personality appeal. The prime minister and the chancellor are uncannily alike in their ineffective messaging, awkward and reticent in a way that pushes listeners back instead of attracting them towards them.
In the same way that public demand to support public services has pushed the finance ministry to concede that taxes must rise, the commercial requirement of boosting growth makes it increasingly difficult to ignore the price of separation from the European single market.
Officials used a twelve months experimenting in the shallow end of closer ties with the European Union: proposals to eliminate border inspections on farm products; a student movement initiative. Ambition went a bit deeper on energy, armed forces partnership, but no major deals has yet been agreed.
Without definite guidance and momentum from the prime minister's office, negotiations are bogged down. EU officials says trading benefits are obtained with financial input to the European funds. UK ministers know that's the agreement. That doesn't cause them enthusiastic for a visible argument and Nigel Farage screaming disloyalty over the eventual amount ends up being paid.
Commercial conditions has provoked some change in the administration's rhetoric on the European question. She has commenced citing leaving Europe alongside the Covid pandemic as a factor of commercial injury that the Treasury is striving to repair. Other ministers have emulated this, although they deliberately attribute the responsibility to "unfavorable agreement" or "the manner of departure", never just "Brexit".
The issue of the UK's ongoing association with the EU can't be reduced to technical adjustments and import controls when the global political landscape is in tumultuous flux. Given everything that has happened since the Brexit vote, it feels reasonable still to be asking the big question: were Britain's interests advanced by leaving the EU?
These represent sobering, challenging truths about the UK's predicament in choppy international waters. It is not surprising that both leaders shy away from the challenge. It would take them outside their comfort zone, into trends that they will not resist. So instead they persist anxiously moving along the shore, hoping that perhaps shortly the circumstances will change.
Lena is a tech enthusiast and business strategist with a passion for digital innovation and entrepreneurship.